The one where Israel has been steadily and successfully eradicating Palestine, (kicking people out of their homes, denying them basic human rights), ever since they decided they were entitled to land that didn't belong to them. If that happened to you and yours, are you saying you wouldn't want to break shit up?
I'm not pretending anything and I don't excuse rape, but you still haven't acknowledged that this didn't start on Oct 7th.
I'm fully aware it didn't start on Oct. 7th, and nowhere have I claimed otherwise. IIRC it was England's idea to create a homeland for the Jews there in the 20th century.
The Balfour Declaration (“Balfour's promise” in Arabic) was a public pledge by Britain in 1917 declaring its aim to establish “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine.Nov 2, 2018
Historically, both Islamism and Judaism has had claim to the area. This goes back millennia.
The best and only real solution is the two state solution. And to succeed it muse be imbued with a strong sense of non-sectarianism.
What is the dispute between Israel and Palestine?
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is over who gets what land and how it's controlled. Though both Jews and Arab Muslims date their claims to the land back a couple thousand years, the current political conflict began in the early 20th century.Nov 9, 2023
On the front page of The New York Times at the moment:
Create a Confederation of Two States
By May Pundak and Dahlia Scheindlin Ms. Pundak is the Israeli executive director of A Land for All. Dr. Scheindlin is a board member of the group and the author of “The Crooked Timber of Democracy in Israel.”
ISRAELI AND PALESTINIAN LIVES, as well as our economies and needs for security and health care, are intertwined. Both nations have powerful emotional, religious and cultural attachments to their land, but neither side can own all of it. As a result, there must be two sovereign states, but they cannot be founded on Israeli-Palestinian or Jewish-Arab segregation or on hard partition. The arrangement must be grounded in the principle of individual and collective equality.
We envision a political framework of two states in a confederated association. The core concepts can be outlined as follows: two sovereign states, each with its own government but with joint mechanisms and institutions for critical shared concerns.
Palestinians and Jewish Israelis could live as permanent residents in the other state, in a mechanism phased in over time, if they accept the sovereignty of that state and respect its laws. They would enjoy equality and protections under the law, and neither side would establish the superiority of one group over another. Each person would vote only in the country of his or her citizenship.
We envision freedom of movement, like in the Schengen zone in the European Union, with security restrictions imposed individually instead of collectively and unequally, as they are today. Instead of being divided by walls, each side would be able to cross these borders for tourism, study or work. The demarcation should be close to the Green Line, instead of cutting deeply into the West Bank, which chops up Palestinian areas into enclaves.
Jerusalem would remain a shared, open city, the capital of the two nations. Its municipal government should guarantee representation for Israelis and Palestinians, providing new incentive for Palestinian participation in elections.
The two sides would establish a joint court of human rights to adjudicate claims of Jewish or Palestinian residents living in the other state. They would establish shared institutions to manage climate change issues and natural resources, as well as a common economic zone to reduce the large economic gap between Israelis and Palestinians.
To manage the states’ joint security, there is a precedent: For nearly 30 years, Israel and the Palestinian Authority have conducted security cooperation in the West Bank, which has largely worked, though it enabled Israel’s ongoing occupation and fed Palestinian resentment. But in a framework establishing Palestinian independence, coordinating security policy could serve the security needs of both sides and would support the new political arrangement.
It’s time to recognize that complete separation has failed, both as an aim of the peace process and wherever it has been carried out on the ground. The two sides have never agreed on a peace deal based on separation, because they don’t want one. It’s time to replace separation with partnership.
The road to realizing this vision would be a long one. Gaza would first need to be reintegrated with the West Bank to correct the failed policy of isolation, with international help. Palestinians would need a unified, representative, accountable government. Both sides would need to reject political extremists and commit to political rather than military solutions to the conflict. As far off as it might be, the day after the war’s end must be grounded in the real needs and interests of people to ensure that this war is the last war.
May Pundak is the Israeli executive director of A Land for All, a grass-roots Israeli-Palestinian movement. Dr. Scheindlin is a board member of the group and the author of “The Crooked Timber of Democracy in Israel.”